2022/10/20ケルトン、ミルクマン Have the bond vigilantes who attacked the U.K. killed off modern monetary theory? MMT proponent Stephanie Kelton says that's nonsense. - MarketWatch
The experimental task was to toss a tennis ball into a bucket that was placed 3 meters away. Participants were informed that they had 10 chances. A successful shot meant that the tennis ball entered the bucket and stayed there. The task was chosen because it was simple to explain and implement, and no gender differences in ability were expected (as was found in a pilot experiment and reinforced in the results discussed below). Furthermore, we are aware of no other popular task in these societies that is similar to the ball games that we implemented. Indeed, the Khasi are known archers and the Maasai are known lancers, but since our task can only be completed with an underhand toss, the traditional skills do not advantage men over women. In this spirit, our data represent signals of initial competitive inclinations since the task is unfamiliar (Harrison and List (2004), denote such an approach as an artefactual eld experiment).
Participants, who numbered 155 in total, were told that they were matched with a participant from the other group who was performing the same task at the same time in another area. For example, in the Maasai representative session discussed above, a group 1 member on side 3 was anonymously paired with a group 2 member on side 4, and both subjects were informed that their identities would remain anonymous. The only decision participants were asked to make concerned the manner in which they would be paid for their performance. They made this choice before performing the task, but only after they fully understood the instructions and the payment schemes. The two options participants were asked to choose between were (a) X per successful shot, regardless of the performance of the participant from the other group with whom they were randomly matched or (b) 3X per successful shot if they outperformed the other participant. They were told that in case they chose the second option and scored the same as the other participant, they would receive X per successful shot. We set X to equalize payments in terms of the prevailing exchange rates, and therefore, set X equal to 500 Tanzanian shillings in Tanzania and 20 rupees in India.
After choosing the incentive scheme, participants completed the task and were told how the other participant performed. Then they were asked to proceed to another location where they provided personal information in an exit survey (see Appendix B for the experimental survey) and were paid their earnings in cash. As promised, participants were never given the opportunity to learn with whom they were paired.
^John Malcolm Dowling, Yap Chin-Fang "Modern Developments in Behavioral Economics: Social Science Perspectves on Choice and Decision", World Scientific Pub Co Inc., 2007年9月.
ダニエル・カーネマン、ポール・スロヴィック、エイモス・トベルスキー共著、『Judgment Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases』、1982年、およびT・ギロヴィッチ、D・グリフィン、ダニエル・カーネマン共編、『Heuristics and biases: The psychology of intuitive jadgment』、2002年参照。
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経済理論の核となる前提とは 、人は自分にとって最適な行動を選択する 、というものだ 。つまり 、私たちは経済学者の言う 「合理的期待 （ r a t i o n a l e x p e c t a t i o n s ） 」に基づいて選択をしているというのである 。…
この制約付き最適化 （ c o n s t r a i n e d o p t i m i z a t i o n ＝限られた予算の下で最良のものを選ぶこと ）の前提は 、経済理論のもう １つの柱である均衡 （ e q u i l i b r i u m ）と結びついている 。価格が自由に変動する競争市場では 、供給と需要が一致するように価格が調整される 。これを少し単純化すると 、 「最適化 ＋均衡 ＝経済学 」という式で表すことができる 。この組み合わせは強力で 、他の社会科学はとうてい太刀打ちできない 。ところがいくつか問題がある 。経済理論が拠って立つ前提には欠陥があるのだ 。…
Portal:経済学
